�But no man has the right to fix the boundary to the march of a nation.
�No man has a right to say to his country: �Thus far shalt thou go, and no further.��
Strolling down Parnell Street last week, in the shadow of the Parnell monument, it�s hard not to reflect on the great man�s epithet. Such sentiments have rarely rung so true as now -130 years after this famous speech in Cork was made. Ireland is certainly marching, but to where and led by whom? Who is trying to fix a boundary?
With those questions in my head, I popped into the bustling Chinese and Polish shops, bars, restaurants and internet cafes that now dominate Parnell Street.
The dynamism here is palpable. Parnell might be surprised, but he would be proud.
Our immigrants are on the march. They are pushing out the boundaries, spurred by the carrot of optimism and the stick of recent bad memories. They realise that they are onto a winner here, and they have no intention of letting this chance go. Here, the future is bright; this is the pulse of the new Ireland.
The notice boards of the internet cafes serve as the traditional Golden Pages for the immigrants and give a great insight into what�s going on: ��Wanna earn �500 a day?�; ��Need a flatmate?�; ��Have you translation problems?�; ��Fancy a secondhand car or computer?�; ��Waiters needed urgently��. All these ads carry 085 prepaid mobile phone numbers, which is the network of choice for new arrivals.
But where are all these hungry, excited people coming from? Don�t wait for the official figures to tell us: the best indicator of the ebb and flow of foreigners into Ireland are the tariffs on the cheap, low-call phone shops that have mushroomed around the city. You can tell where the last planeload of immigrants has come from by the price of the call.
These shops operate in probably the most competitive market in the city. Because many of the immigrants are initially skint when they arrive – and even when they are settled they are extremely price-conscious – they will walk across the city to get a cheaper call home. So no shop can overcharge for long.
Thus, the way to make money here is on volume. This is the Ryanair model of telecoms.
The pricing system is extremely sensitive to volume. If there is a run on calls to Bulgaria, the price of Bulgarian calls will fall, not rise.
Prices change every day and are thrown up on a huge chalkboard, like bookies� odds at a racetrack. The cheaper the destination, the more immigrants there are from that country. So, by checking out these phone prices, we can gauge who is coming into the country and at what speed. This week, a rake of Ukrainians arrived, believe me.
Another great indicator of vibrancy is the planning notices. Every second rickety building on the street has a notice telling you that the basement is about to be converted, the top floor is to be turned into an internet cafe, the backyard will be a restaurant and the grotty off-licence will soon be a bar, with seating for 90 punters.
The bars that already exist are an exotic combination of rundown old Ireland and hi-spec new Hong Kong�s Long Kwai Fung, completed presumably with feng shui considerations. At one bar are trendy, effete Chinese kids, a couple of locals and a few Albanian lads in full eastern European bad-boy mufti – the pristine white Nike tracksuit, chunky bracelets, crew cuts, gold teeth – necking a bottle of Amstel.
The plasma screen blares out gangsta rap as a tiny Mongolian waitress works the room. On the wall behind the Chinese barman, there is a faded, peeling photo of Dublin�s 1995 All-Ireland winning side.
The place is rocking.
This is the New Ireland. It is an optimistic, get-up-and-go world, where anything goes. Psychologically, the place is liberated: if you want it, be not afraid, seize the day, there are no limits. Who will fix the boundary of the march of this nation?
Who will say to this new country, thus far shall you go and no further?
There is another Ireland – a petrified, limited place, where every change is a threat and every innovation is a risk, where jobs are defined by technical agreements, where we are poisoned by our own lack of confidence, where industrial relations are an adolescent exercise in point-scoring and where a few train drivers stopped the nation. What was that all about? Why were thousands of us left stranded?
Were they, with their well-paid jobs, miffed at having to work a bit more flexibly?
Given that both sides are spinning like mad, it is difficult to get a handle on the exact details of the dispute. But one thing is certain: the row was over something small.
This is the atavistic Ireland that will fix the boundary of the march of the nation.
Unlike in Parnell�s time, the Brits are no longer the enemy.
In many ways, with such a conspicuous target, the battle was easier. We are now faced with the enemy within.
This is the enemy that will say: ��Thus far and no further��. Unlike the narrow gauge Margaret Thatcher, who used this term to describe the miners, I am not talking about the train drivers, the trade unionists or any bunch of workers. I am talking about the enemy within our own heads – all of us.
It is the enemy that is against change and sees conspiracies in every challenge.
This enemy within thrives on pessimism, paranoia and fear. It is resentful and disillusioned and it imprisons large sections of the Irish economy. It rears its head in these stupid disputes, and it belittles us all.
One part of Ireland is marching forward and another part is fixing boundaries. One part (in no way exclusive to immigrants, but they serve to capture some of the dynamism) is saying: ��Let�s go for it, the future is bright and, if we roll up our sleeves, there are no frontiers, no limits to what we can achieve.� The other part is saying: ��No further, we have what we hold, we�re not budging.�
This is the battle for modern Ireland and, when we strip back all the cant, this is what next year�s election is all about.
There is a war raging inside our own heads. If we allow the fear and suspicion to dominate the hope and optimism that surges out of the tatty shops on Parnell Street, we will all pay a huge price. The new train is leaving, and the rest of the world won�t wait for us.









The surge of immigrants has injected a welcome vibrancy,
economically and socially. Yes we should think without
self-imposed limits. But we,(or certainly I) don’t want to
have to compete with immigrants in the following sense: many
of them are very young, carefree, without kids or mortgages.
They can accommodate, and perhaps desire (as I did say at
college and immediately after) a high degree of flexibility
and volatility in their lives. If a job sucks – just leave,
and sleep on your friends sofa for a few weeks until you
find work. Or, if you’re really pissed off, go home to
Latvia. These are not parameters within which the aging
Irish population wants to have to deal with. We need a
certain amount of stability. Let’s evolve and adapt yes, but
at what point does the volatility become undesireable.
Perhaps for business owners there is no limit: the more
unfettered competition and flexibility the better. But for
workers deserve a stake: and why not in terms of better
pensions, etc. But we’ve seen many companys (including the
one I work for) loosen their pension commitments. Defined
Benefit became defined contribution. Don’t get me wrong -
I’m not a union head and the train driver srike was
infuriating (and in the long run self defeating, for it
kills the credibility of real grievances that workers may
have). I’m saying the the debate needs a more sober analysis.
Where does all your doomsaying about the property market fit
into the exhortation to incautious optimism, David? Not
that I disagree with you. I think there are huge
opportunities for continued prosperity – and thus demand for
what continues to be scarce housing stock – not just here
but everywhere.
BH is wrong about people in the private sector “just having
to get on with things” however as though the offices and
factories of Ireland were filled with eager beavers with a
can-do, how-high do you want me to jump attitude, while the
public services are filled with begrudging malcontents who
won’t do a jot of extra work without a round of industrial
relations negotiations and a wedge of extra cash. The
private sector has often been the source of industrial
relations difficulties and there are agreements in place
about new technology and changes to working conditions.
I agree with David though. The days when it was ok to think
like that are days we should put behind us. Let’s face it,
most changes like the ones the train drivers are giving out
about are ones that make it easier and safer to do one’s job.
Where does all your doomsaying about the property market fit
into the exhortation to incautious optimism, David? Not
that I disagree with you. I think there are huge
opportunities for continued prosperity – and thus demand for
what continues to be scarce housing stock – not just here
but everywhere.
BH is wrong about people in the private sector “just having
to get on with things” however as though the offices and
factories of Ireland were filled with eager beavers with a
can-do, how-high do you want me to jump attitude, while the
public services are filled with begrudging malcontents who
won’t do a jot of extra work without a round of industrial
relations negotiations and a wedge of extra cash. The
private sector has often been the source of industrial
relations difficulties and there are agreements in place
about new technology and changes to working conditions.
I agree with David though. The days when it was ok to think
like that are days we should put behind us. Let’s face it,
most changes like the ones the train drivers are giving out
about are ones that make it easier and safer to do one’s job.
Well put David. Its small voice crying in the wildnerness
against a sea of xenaophobia and ignorance. I’ve been
lucky enough to have a lot of immigrant friends and
colelagues and they put the Irish – espeically Irish men –
to shame. I’m bemused as the smelly, semi-washed, brain
dead troglodyte guys I’ve worked with wonder why all the
ladies prefer the neatly pressed, intelligent French guy
who doesn’t live on soccer and doesn’t feel a need to binge
drink 3 nights a week. Moreover I’ve noticed that these
guys know how to save. One guy arrived in Ireland 4 years
ago next month. He’s now a wife, two children and a small
house. Meanwhile the troglodytes are still wondering why
they only got one pay rise in 4 years (despite the fact
that they knew they did nothing but browsed the sports
results and paddypower.com) all day for 4 years. Some
people are going to be left far far behind . . .
So “The forgein ladys put the fat thigh irish shelias to
shame also”? Fat thigh “shelia” na gigs are part of
Ireland’s heritage and something “forgein ladys” and
gentlemen might like to see when they take a rare day off
to visit historic sites in Ireland. Then again, there
might not be any historic sites left if the developers
have their way.
Immigration is great from a sheltered, middle-class point
of view. I agree that it is much more pleasant to have
your cappucino served by a smiling Chinese or Polish
graduate than by a surly native who didn’t get to finish
the Leaving Cert. From the surly native’s point of view
immigration is an entirely different story. He or she now
has to compete with better educated people for work and
will not be kindly disposed towards these people.
Does anyone remember when our university students used to
work in shops and restaurants to earn their tuition fees?
That was in the bad old days before day tuition fees were
abolished. If these students wanted to stay in Ireland
after graduation they often had to take similar low-paid
jobs. If university fees were reintroduced it would be
interesting to see how young middle-class Ireland would
react to the vibrant immigrants working in our shops,
cafes, restaurants and bars.
If immigration is not properly managed, there will be
racial tension here in the future, not only between the
native Irish and the immigrants, but between different
ethnic groups of immigrants.
I think JP is spot on , I am pretty sure that many of
the “dynamic” immirgrants that you refer to in your article
have a tenancy to fall outside the tax net. They are more
than likely here for a short time not a long time.
The gulf between Ireland and their home nations are vast.
They have an opportunity to earn a good wage for a short to
medium period of time and return with substantial savings
to their reasonably price home country.
It is no wonder that they have such a large degree of
optimism! I think I would to in a similar situation.
On the other hand, people who choose to stay here are faced
with a mortgage that is similar to two life sentences, over
priced and pathetic goods and services industry, and
inefficient civil services/public agenices.
We are also faced with a pathetic selection of politicians,
Who can we vote for? the choice is extremely limited.
Sorry for being pesimistic but this would be my reading of
the situation!
To be honest David that article was only beneficial as a
lesson in telecom’s marketing and nothing else.
This article paints with a very broad brush, but it’s
based on a very old and simple fact – private sector and
public sector are different.
In the private sector (where the immigrants work at the
coalface), people get paid for the value that they add to
the business. If they feel they’re worth more, they don’t
refuse to work until they get paid more (that would just
get them fired), instead they look for another employer
who will pay them more.
In the public sector, where the train drivers work, what
people get paid depends on what they can negotiate, and
that depends on how essential a service they provide.
Since they can’t be fired, refusing to work until they get
paid more is a perfectly rational negotiating tactic.
Looking for a better-paying job elsewhere is not a
rational move, since they are mostly already paid (in pay
and benefits and security)far more than they could
contribute to a private sector company.
It’s not about the enemy within, or immigrant dynamism
versus local fear, it’s just the plain old traditional
private sector/public sector divide.